Durkheim’s Theory of Religion: The Sacred and Profane

Emile Durkheim, one of the founding figures of sociology, made significant contributions to the study of religion through his seminal work, The Elementary Forms of Religious Life (1912). His approach to religion was fundamentally sociological, seeking to understand how religion functioned as a social institution. Durkheim’s focus was on how religious beliefs, symbols, and practices contribute to social cohesion and the collective consciousness of societies. This article provides an in-depth exploration of Durkheim’s theory of religion, with a particular emphasis on his distinction between the sacred and the profane, his rejection of earlier theories, and his emphasis on religion’s collective nature.

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Durkheim on Earlier Theories of Religion

Durkheim’s theory was a direct challenge to existing intellectualist and animistic theories of religion. He believed that these earlier approaches failed to recognize the social dimensions of religious life and reduced religion to individual beliefs or cognitive explanations of natural phenomena (Pickering, 1984).

Critique of the Intellectualist Theory

The intellectualist theory of religion, advanced by figures like Edward Tylor and James Frazer, posited that religion arose as a way for early humans to explain natural phenomena they did not understand. In this view, religion was an early form of science that attempted to offer explanations for the mysteries of the world through myths and supernatural beliefs (Jones, 1986).

Durkheim rejected this theory, arguing that religion’s primary function is not to explain the natural world but to bind individuals together into a cohesive social unit. As Durkheim stated, “Religion is not an illusion in the sense that it does not correspond to anything real. It is a social fact” (Durkheim, 1912, p. 7). He insisted that religion’s most important role lies in its ability to reinforce the social fabric and create shared experiences that foster solidarity (Pickering, 1984).

Rejection of the Animistic Theory

Durkheim also critiqued the animistic theory, which suggested that religion originated from the belief in spirits inhabiting natural objects. This theory, which emphasized the role of individual psychological experiences such as dreams or visions, failed to account for the collective, social nature of religious belief (Durkheim, 1912).

For Durkheim, religion is fundamentally about the collective. It is not the product of isolated psychological experiences, but rather the result of shared practices and beliefs that connect individuals to their community. He concluded that animism did not sufficiently explain the social power of religious symbols and rituals (Jones, 1986).

Religion as a Social Institution

For Durkheim, religion is primarily a social phenomenon. His famous definition of religion is that it is:

“A unified system of beliefs and practices relative to sacred things, that is to say, things set apart and forbidden—beliefs and practices which unite into one single moral community called a Church, all those who adhere to them” (Durkheim, 1912, p. 44).

This definition highlights three critical aspects of religion: the sacred, the collective nature of religious practice, and the role of religion in fostering social cohesion. Durkheim argued that religion is not just a set of theological doctrines or rituals but a system of social relations that binds individuals into a community. Through shared rituals and symbols, religion reinforces the collective values and norms that sustain social order (Pickering, 1984).

The Sacred and the Profane

A central tenet of Durkheim’s theory of religion is the distinction between the sacred and the profane. According to Durkheim, all religions make this distinction, and it is fundamental to understanding religious belief systems.

  • The Sacred: The sacred consists of things that are “set apart and forbidden” (Durkheim, 1912, p. 38), meaning they are imbued with a special significance that elevates them above ordinary, everyday objects or experiences. Sacred objects, places, and rituals are revered, and they are surrounded by taboos that prevent them from being treated in a profane or mundane manner. The sacred is collective in nature; its power comes from the shared reverence of the community, not from any intrinsic supernatural properties. Durkheim argued that the sacred does not inherently possess divine or supernatural qualities but becomes sacred because society collectively invests it with special meaning (Jones, 1986).
  • The Profane: In contrast, the profane encompasses the ordinary, everyday aspects of life that are not regarded as special or extraordinary. Profane objects, actions, and places belong to the realm of the mundane, and they do not evoke the reverence or awe associated with the sacred. Daily tasks such as eating, working, or engaging in social interactions are typically considered profane activities (Durkheim, 1912).

Durkheim emphasized that the distinction between the sacred and the profane is not universal across all cultures but every religious system constructs its own version of this distinction. In this way, the sacred-profane dichotomy is essential to understanding how religion operates within different societies (Pickering, 1984).

Totemism and the Collective Nature of Religion

Durkheim’s analysis of totemism in Australian Aboriginal societies is a key element of his theory. He argued that totemism represents the most elementary form of religion and provides insight into the broader role of religion in society. In totemic religions, each clan is associated with a totem, which is considered sacred and represents both the clan’s god and the clan itself. Durkheim famously concluded that:

“The god of the clan, the totemic principle, can be nothing else than the clan itself, personified and represented to the imagination under the visible form of the animal or plant which serves as totem” (Durkheim, 1912, p. 206).

This statement reflects Durkheim’s belief that religious symbols and rituals are, at their core, expressions of the collective power of society. By worshipping the totem, individuals are, in effect, worshipping their own society and the collective values it represents (Jones, 1986). This insight led Durkheim to argue that religion is essentially a way for society to “worship itself” (Durkheim, 1912, p. 207).

The Collective Effervescence

One of Durkheim’s most significant contributions to the understanding of religion is his concept of collective effervescence. This term refers to the intense energy and emotional upliftment experienced during religious rituals, particularly when individuals come together in a shared sacred space. The collective energy generated during these events, according to Durkheim, reinforces social bonds and generates a sense of community and belonging.

Collective effervescence allows individuals to feel connected to something greater than themselves, and it serves to reaffirm the collective conscience—the shared beliefs, values, and norms that bind society together. Durkheim observed that during these moments, participants experience a sense of transcendence, which they attribute to the presence of a divine or sacred force. However, Durkheim argued that this force is not supernatural but rather a manifestation of the power of the collective itself (Durkheim, 1912, p. 217).

Religion and Social Cohesion

Durkheim’s theory of religion is rooted in his broader sociological perspective on how societies maintain cohesion and order. He believed that religion plays a crucial role in promoting social solidarity by fostering a sense of shared identity and purpose. Through rituals, symbols, and sacred narratives, religion reinforces the values and norms that are essential for the functioning of society.

However, Durkheim also recognized that religion is not the only means of achieving social cohesion. He foresaw that as societies became more complex and diverse, secular institutions, such as the law and education, would increasingly take over the functions that were once performed by religion.

Critiques and Legacy

While Durkheim’s theory of religion has been highly influential, it has also been subject to criticism. Some scholars have argued that Durkheim’s focus on social cohesion overlooks the ways in which religion can be a source of conflict and division, particularly in pluralistic societies. Others have questioned whether his findings from totemism in Australian Aboriginal societies can be generalized to more complex religious systems.

Nevertheless, Durkheim’s work laid the foundation for the sociological study of religion and continues to shape contemporary debates in the field. His insights into the social function of religion and the ways in which it contributes to social cohesion remain highly relevant in understanding both religious and secular societies today.

Conclusion

Durkheim’s theory of religion is a groundbreaking sociological perspective that focuses on the collective nature of religious belief and practice. By distinguishing between the sacred and the profane and emphasizing the social function of religious rituals, Durkheim demonstrated that religion plays a critical role in maintaining social cohesion (Pickering, 1984). His rejection of earlier intellectualist and animistic theories redirected the study of religion toward understanding its social, rather than individual, dimensions (Jones, 1986).

Durkheim’s insights continue to influence contemporary sociology, particularly in understanding how religious symbols and rituals contribute to social solidarity. His theory remains a cornerstone in the sociological study of religion, offering a profound understanding of how society constructs and maintains its sacred values (Durkheim, 1912).


References

  • Durkheim, E. (1912). The Elementary Forms of Religious Life. Translated by Karen E. Fields. New York: Free Press.
  • Jones, R. A. (1986). Emile Durkheim: An Introduction to Four Major Works. Beverly Hills: Sage Publications.
  • Pickering, W. S. F. (1984). Durkheim’s Sociology of Religion: Themes and Theories. London: Routledge.

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